Netanyahu’s government only reached the decision after 10 hours of contested debate, and the move puts the Prime Minister at odds with the public statements of IDF chief Eyal Zamir, who has called the plans to occupy Gaza a “strategic trap” that will prove a “black hole” for the Israeli military.

Because the IDF relies on mass conscription, its sentiment closely mirrors public opinion. Yet Zamir’s opposition alone is unlikely to halt the conflict’s escalation — if he resigned, Bibi would simply replace him with someone more loyal. That’s why the Prime Minister’s office has been signaling it would welcome his departure, while his son, Yair Netanyahu, has accused Zamir on X of plotting a coup.

For some time, Israeli polls have shown a public preference for a ceasefire that would bring home the hostages and end the war — even if it meant withdrawing troops and leaving Hamas in place. Opposition to the latest escalation therefore extends well beyond Netanyahu’s usual critics on the Left or in the security services: the mainstream daily Yediot Ahronot, for instance, has been unusually blunt in attacking the plan.

And yet, while there will be demonstrations and angry editorials over the operation, it is doubtful what, if anything, they can achieve, with many Israelis now exhausted and despondent.

One big unknown is what, if anything the military might do. The idea of a coup is unthinkable, even when the political leadership is so out of step with popular sentiment and clearly acting out of naked political interest. But there is a growing rift within the IDF itself, between Eyal Zamir and Air Force chief Tomer Bar, on the one hand, and Yaniv Asor — head of Southern Command, responsible for the ground operation in Gaza — on the other.

In a meeting of senior IDF staff last Thursday, Asor complained that Bar was blocking his calls for airstrikes on targets in Gaza, to which Bar is reported as saying that “the strikes demanded by the command are unprofessional” and involve too many civilian casualties. Asor responded angrily, criticising Bar for being “isolated in Tel Aviv” and unaware of the situation on the ground.

Discontent is also rising among IDF pilots, who bomb targets designated by ground forces. They know their missions have killed vast numbers of civilians, yet delivered little toward the stated aims of freeing hostages or defeating Hamas. The rift between the air force, infantry units in the southern command, and the IDF’s top brass reflects a deeper fault line in Israeli society: pilots come mainly from the Ashkenazi, secular, relatively liberal elite, while ground troops are drawn disproportionately from working-class Mizrahim and settlers, who tend to be more Right-wing.

For months, military leaders have warned of recruitment shortfalls, with as many as half of reservists refusing to report for duty. The prospect of a long, grinding occupation of Gaza will only deepen the problem — and could ultimately be what forces the war to an end. Otherwise, with the threat from Iran, Hezbollah, and other adversaries receding, the continuation of the Gaza campaign risks turning Israel’s conflict inward.

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=5760413&forum_id=2)#49169841)

This is a microcosm of every country

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=5760413&forum_id=2)#49169848)